"Sermons in Brooks."Portland, Maine, Advertiser [Republican](3 June 1856)
When the outrage on Senator Sumner was first
announced one of the Virginia papers, giving vent
to its joy in a most deplorable spirit of jocularity,
declared that Mr. Sumner had probably found
that "his Brooks, unlike Shakespeare's, had no
sermons to utter." The allusion is not correctly
made -- but there is a much greater mistake than that.
Even the ruffian with his murderous cane is made
to sound in the ears of this nation a sermon more
solemn, instructive and warning, than that which
any other man or even had for years been
privileged to speak. Its vehemence is seen in the
effect. From every part of the country comes up
the earnest response, showing that there is hardly
a man who has not had his attention arrested and
his feelings aroused. And if from one quarter we
have testimonials of joy while from every other
there is a thunder tone of indignation, it only
proves the power of the voice that can awake so
many and such different echoes.
And why is it that a personal occurrence like
this should produce consequences so extended and
profound? In the just language of the resolutions
adopted at the meeting of our citizens last
Saturday evening, "If it could be regarded as the
act of one cowardly ruffian only, it might deserve
no other attention than what ordinarily follows the
commission of a crime." But as has been said, it
is a "representative act." It is the outgrowth
and deed of a system, and Brooks himself is as
much the instrument of slavery as his cane is his
own instrument. Given the slave plantation and
all its appliances, and a Herbert, a Rusk and a
Brooks are the natural results. If there were any
doubt of this, the instinctive heartiness with which
such men are shielded and approved by the South,
shows how close is the relationship of their deeds
to the spirit of that system which the South only
supports. The defenders of slavery had the power
to disown Brooks and cast him off the moment
his villainy was discovered - but instead of that,
the gray-headed Butler commends his gallant
relative, Mr. Toombs approves the deed, Mr.
Douglas stands aloof "for fear his motives might
be misconstrued," sixty-eight members of the
House resist investigation, South Carolina hurries
on her testimonials of gratitude and joy, and the
great body of the Southern press welcomes the
event with exulting and derisive epithets. Thus
Slavery shows its paternity of the deed by its
thorough ratification.
And so the North cannot help regarding it. -
There are many of our citizens to whom such an
exhibition brings no great surprise. They have
watched for years the domineering spirit of
Slavery and its desperation at the growth of free
sentiment. They have seen that intrigue and intimidation
are the two methods only which can be
opposed to free labor and free speech, and they
know that when one fails, the other will be
employed. A system founded on violence will
defend itself by violence. But there are many others
among us whom this ruffianly deed has startled
into a new train of thought. They either
could not see the aggressions of Slavery, or they
looked upon them as the natural efforts of a
system to extend itself, and that in the domain of
politics where all successes are fair. Besides, there
was an impersonality in the process, which "played
round the head but came not near the heart."
The fatal institution was extended -- but away
from, and out of sight of us. Free labor was
oppressed -- but it was not ours. The whip was
wielded -- but on distant plantations and among
another race. All the evils were thought of, probably
deplored -- but they were not felt. But when
free speech, in the person of one of our representatives,
is punished with cowardly and murderous
blows, in our Senate Chamber which, of all places
on earth ought to be the most sacred to every
attribute of freedom, we cannot but feel ourselves
assailed and aggrieved. The blows showered
upon bleeding Sumner, are blows directed at us,
for using rights that we have enjoyed every day
of our lives. The blows are dealt because these
rights are hostile to Slavery, and must ultimately
give way to, or conquer, it. We feel the straightness
of the alternative -- and we shall calmly and
resolutely prepare ourselves for it; not with
weapons of violence, but with earnest and kindly
discussion, with dissemination of facts and with that
freeman's weapon, the BALLOT-BOX. Thus shall
we make an improvement of the sermons in
Brooks.
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